Delaney Would Meet with PFPF: Jacksonville’s Pension Crisis

By Michael Hallett

After participating in WJCT’s First Coast Forum on Jacksonville’s pension crisis last week, two things were abundantly clear:  1) the complexity of the issue fogs the public’s brain and inhibits comprehensive dialogue; and 2) the conversation is headed in the wrong direction, with positions already hardened to such an extent that timely resolution of the pension crisis in Jacksonville seems unlikely. With Jacksonville leading the state in both homicide and violent crime committed by assailants using firearms, this does not bode well for the City.  So I took the opportunity to sit down with UNF President John Delaney to dig deeper into his unique understanding of the issues–and to get his take on how the City should move forward at this critical time.

Delaney had a lot to say, including:  that if he were mayor he would sit down with the Police and Fire Pension Fund to negotiate benefits; that those promoting the notion Jacksonville took a “pension holiday” during his tenure “don’t know what they’re talking about”; and that talk of Jacksonville falling into bankruptcy is “hyperbole.” Also John Keane, President of the Police and Fire Pension Fund, is a “decent man” and a “deal maker” who is “not the devil he is being made out to be.”

Delaney mapped out a vision showing optimism and commitment to employee fairness, albeit while maintaining a pretty laissez-faire attitude about what looks like high turnover in JSO due to fears about pension reform.  As to the Sheriff’s and others’ claims about a pension holiday:  ”The Sheriff is really a great sheriff and a friend, but he doesn’t know much about pensions or how they work. If the Sheriff thinks we ought to raise taxes and give him that money, then let him make that case. Is he real efficient, I don’t know if he is or isn’t.” Overall, however, Delaney thinks that a protracted dispute on the pension would hurt Jacksonville.

Big Picture. To frame the interview, I offered four prominent constructions about what has caused Jacksonville’s pension crisis: 1) city government took a “pension holiday” and failed to meet its fiscal obligations by paying sufficiently into the fund to keep it solvent (and by some accounts, even “raided” the fund of its reserves when times were good); 2) Jacksonville’s pathologically-low millage rate reflects a “government on the cheap” philosophy and has long been inadequate for meeting the needs of its citizens; 3) the near unprecedented market crash of 2008 is entirely to blame for the pension crisis, with stocks losing half their value and Jacksonville property valuations falling to levels insufficient for generating sufficient revenue; and 4) mismanagement of the pension fund by its managers and board led to both weak performance and waste of resources.

Pension Holiday.  A pension holiday “never happened,” says Delaney. While both JCCI and the PFPF frequently point to an actuarial table published by JCCI (frequently referred to as “Exhibit A” by both JCCI and Keane), Delaney has no way of digesting the numbers.  Delaney doesn’t know where the numbers used for Exhibit A come from, he says, but it appears the authors mixed and matched numbers into “combined rates” and “budgeted rates” in ways never actually used by city budget managers in practice.

While the supposed “pension holiday” occurred mostly prior to Delaney’s time in office–the table is still completely inaccurate, he says.  While it is true that Delaney spent less on government during his tenure–achieving a 10% tax cut over time while actually increasing benefits in the 2000 Settlement Agreement–he did so only by first reducing starting pay for city employees by 3% and reducing the overall number of city employees by about one third.  This produced “compounded savings” over many years, generating far more in savings than paying for employee benefits.  This fact never gets reported in revisitations of fiscal Jacksonville during his tenure as mayor and he finds that frustrating.  In addition, retrospectives on the pension debt also fail to adequately capture how large the pension fund reserves really were relative to taxation and property values, he says –and that it was Keane who offered access to these reserves as part of the restated settlement agreements of 2000 – 2001. Today he feels some salaries at the top are too high and that these disproportionately exacerbate pension debt, but that overall some salaries at the bottom are probably too low.

Sit Down with PFPF. In the current dispute, a major contention of both FOP and the PFPF is that pension benefits need to be negotiated with the Pension Fund and not the FOP.  On WJCT, Delaney explained in an exchange with Tad Delegal– Jacksonville FOP’s former lead attorney–that while he never negotiated pension benefits formally at the FOP table, they would simply move out in the hall to discuss it because the membership was essentially exactly the same.  While legally they are separate bodies, the FOP and PFPF “speak with one voice” and have literally almost 100% overlap in membership. “The membership of the FOP always knows exactly what’s in the PFPF benefits package and you’re talking to the same people.”  While both sides may try to use semantics for tactical advantage, Delaney explained it really doesn’t change the bargaining position of the City–which in the end still has to find the right balance of pay/benefits the market commands to keep employees.

Delaney said if he were mayor today he would sit down with the Pension Fund to negotiate benefits and sees Keane as a “deal maker” who can be worked with.  Regarding the negotiations while he was mayor, Delaney explained “I wasn’t going to go back and forth for separate conversations about all of that.  When we left the pension was fully funded and they were pretty happy with the package.  But we’d cut taxes and the size of the city payroll by one third without a single layoff, through attrition and efficiencies. So we more than paid for all that with savings.”

Millage Rate. ”I don’t think the millage rate is necessarily too low,” said Delaney.  ”If people want to raise taxes for social services they need to go out there and make that case.”  But Delaney did express concern that there is a point where any city can become a hollowed out shell and that without adequate funds for things that make a place “livable,” like swingsets and parks and libraries they start to suffer.

Mismanagement of the fund.  As Delaney sees it, John Keane has done a good job managing the pension and notes that PFPF is under certain restrictions in terms of the kinds of investments it can make by law. He notes, however, that Keane has inaccurately promoted the notion of a “pension holiday” in public, but ultimately thinks of Keane as a deal maker who can be worked with.  Delaney wouldn’t shy away from talking to the Pension Fund for resolution of the benefits dispute, but notes that reform of current benefits structure is going to be a necessary part of successfully resolving Jacksonville’s pension crisis. As he said on WJCT, Delaney believes the crisis is really the result of the market crash. It’s counter-productive now to point fingers and we really should get to work.

Hallett’s Take. Get Smart: Jacksonville Cannot Exclusively Prosecute or Police its Way Out of Poverty.  President Delaney is extraordinarily well-qualified to address the complexities of Jacksonville’s pension crisis in a comprehensive way, something that he believes has not been fully achieved in most journalistic accounts of the issue nor in several policy papers exploring the topic.  Having served two terms as Jacksonville’s mayor (from 1996 – 2003),  a stint as the City’s top lawyer and Chief General Counsel, not to mention Chief of Staff to his predecessor Mayor Ed Austin (under whose tenure most of the supposed pension holiday took place)–Delaney’s perspective is literally incomparable.

But I disagree about the millage rate.  Jacksonville’s millage rate is too low and has long been too low, not only in comparison to peer cities in the state–but in regard to the numerous risk factors facing the City in terms of concentrated poverty, crimes of violence and homicide, the proliferation of firearms, education failure and family breakdown. Jacksonville’s main problem has not been a lack of fiscal austerity, but a lack of generosity.  Long term, intervention programs ARE CHEAPER AND MORE EFFECTIVE than harsh punishment and incarceration. And because children are incredibly resilient, programs far cheaper than incarceration really can turn children around.

In sum, Jacksonville chronically fails to meet the needs of its own citizens, a pathology I ultimately ascribe to lingering institutional racism. Jacksonville’s most blighted, challenged neighborhoods are disproportionately black, containing literally tens of thousands of children living in poverty and relative political and social isolation. In response, Jacksonville currently leads the state in prosecuting children as adults and in rates of adult homicide–unlike, Miami, for example, which in response to similar problems established the Miami Children’s Trust to address similar issues. Instead, Jacksonville currently incarcerates five times more children than Miami-Dade county. For deeper exploration of that pernicious cycle, see the earlier Jacksonville Justice Project post.  And I’m not advocating some large tax increase, but suggesting that matching citizens’ needs to a millage rate more on a par with cities facing far fewer challenges is long overdue. It’s also about fundamental fairness to men and women of JSO –who do not get social security–and who serve Jacksonville citizens in crisis on a daily basis.  Reform is necessary, all agree. Let’s make it happen.

2011_MillageRates

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“Human Rights Violations of Children: Duval Leads Florida”

By Michael Hallett

I recently sat down with David Utter of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) to discuss the history and mission of his organization and its concerns about criminal justice  in Duval County.  SPLC has taken special interest in Duval, given that it leads the nation in prosecuting children as adults and that the solid majority of these children are African-American. Florida has long led the nation in trying children as adults and, today, Duval leads Florida.  As Utter reports, the oft-quoted mantra “adult time for adult crime,” does not even characterize what’s actually happening in Duval: over half the children transferred to adult court in 2011 were facing charges for non-violent crimes. 

HARSH PUNISHMENT OF JUVENILES BACKFIRES

Unfortunately, prosecuting children as adults has not only failed to produce the promised results of less crime and lower recidivism–massive evidence shows that juvenile incarceration makes kids worse.  Juvenile incarceration completes rather than alters their course, right into adult criminality. Unfortunately, Duval juveniles were five times more likely to be committed to prison that juveniles in Miami-Dade and over half were transferred to adult court for non-violent crimes in 2011.

Time and again in criminal justice, the US has proven that “getting tough” on crime is a too simplistic solution that fails as policy and costs taxpayers big.  Even conservative organizations such as “Right on Crime” now recognize that failed corrections policy simply amounts to “big government.”  As Pew documents, moreover, high recidivism–not deterrence or rehabilitation–characterizes America’s offender population. 67.5% of offenders are rearrested within three years and over 50% re-incarcerated within five.  Long prison terms only further disables prisoners and makes them worse. The vast majority of citizens in America’s prisons come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, broken families, and school systems unable to educate them. America’s prisons are, in fact, sources of violence and dysfunction–not the answer to it.

Jacksonville has not failed to rebuild its communities for lack of austerity–but a lack of generosity. Jacksonville has failed to build an adequate civic infrastructure adequate to meeting the needs of the citizens who actually live here.  Instead, Jacksonville has sought to prosecute its way out of poverty while systematically underfunding intervention and treatment, which of course as a policy continues to fail miserably.

PROSECUTING OUR WAY OUT OF POVERTY: “IT’S A SCAM”

Follow the Money. As Mr Utter points out in the above video, there is a pernicious fiscal incentive for state bureaucracies and even non-profit organizations that must be directly confronted:  In the dead of night–with stunning parallels to the tactics employed in the effort to privatize Florida’s adult prisonsFL Senate Bill 2112 paved the way for Florida Sheriff’s Association to enable county sheriffs to take over management of juvenile prisons. Doing so amounts to a financial windfall for county sheriffs departments.

ALTERNATIVES TO JUVENILE INCARCERATION CHEAPER AND MORE EFFECTIVE

SPLC is working in Jacksonville on the formation of the Jacksonville Juvenile Justice Coalition.  Alternatives to incarcerating juveniles have been proven more effective while costing tax payers less. This is group of concerned citizens and has four broad goals, as reflected in its mission statement:

The Jacksonville Juvenile Justice Coalition seeks reform of policies that objectively result in the harmful criminalization of children. The JJJC is focused on confronting a range of current policies, including:

1) Education practices that prioritize arrest of students for minor incidents;

2) Juvenile justice system practices that emphasize (indeed privilege) incarceration or custodial detention of children;

3) The preferential use of juvenile prisons in place of proven therapeutic alternatives to incarceration;  

4) The transfer of children into adult criminal courts and prisons.

I’ll announce new meetings of the Coalition on this page; just sign up for the news feed for email notification and for new posts.

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The 904 Project: Exploring Jacksonville Violence

By Michael Hallett.

Documenting Jacksonville’s high violence rate is a discursive struggle. Many in the city don’t want to admit it–and officials constantly overtly deny it.  While COJ has long been “Florida’s Murder Capital,” the city loathes the title–given to COJ by the Florida Times Union, first in a 2005 story documenting violence in Florida’s largest cities.  It quite reasonably set the threshold as urban cities in Florida larger than 500,000 residents. We  used the same threshold, declining for reasons of validity to compare Jacksonville to rural Escambia County, for example.

The 904 Project explores both actual rates of violence as well as Jacksonville’s conversation about the problem in local media. In addition to leading the state in rate of homicide, the project revealed Jacksonville has double the state average percentage of violent crime committed with firearms.  The project was funded with a Presidential Scholar’s Grant from the Community Foundation in Jacksonville.

In this project we partnered with Emmy Award winning journalist Melissa Ross.  Here is a link to a short video on The 904 Project.  And another leading to the data.

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